Caste: Theory and Praxis of the Revolutionary Movement- Ravi Narla

The question of caste, its place in Marxist Theory and practice has been under debate for the past many decades. Both Ambedkarite and Marxist scholars have debated this question. Questions have been raised if Marxism and Marxist methodology have tools to understand and annihilate the caste – which is the specific feature of Indian society. The position often taken by many Marxist scholars and some communist parties has not helped in clearing such doubts. However, there is this question of communist revolutionaries (Naxalites), who from the time of the Naxalbari revolt 52 years back have had their theory of semi-feudal and semi-colonial India and agrarian revolution as the axis of the New Democratic Revolution. Anybody who professes that this is semi-feudal India must deal with the question of caste, for as soon as one steps into any village in India one is confronted with the question of caste. So, communist revolutionaries cannot be blind to this fact. If there are any forces among the communists who have mobilized hundreds of thousands of masses belonging to the oppressed castes and especially dalits against feudalism and caste oppression, then it is the Naxalites.

We do not have many studies where the scholars have been able to study the theoretical positions taken by these revolutionaries (Maoists) and how their positions have changed over the decades both in response to their experience and to the theoretical debates over the issue. Studies regarding the practice of the Maoists vis-à-vis caste are still fewer. Many debates regarding the theoretical position of Marxists have been limited to the positions taken by the parliamentary left parties.

Therefore, in this paper, we would like to take up this question, especially with regard to the changes in the theoretical position and resultant practice of the Naxalites over the past five decades. We would also like to address some of the criticism raised regarding this.

How did the early Naxalites view the caste question and what was their practice?

Before we venture into answering the question, let us briefly examine the position of various castes in the villages as it existed by late sixties when the Naxalbari struggle broke out.

India was a caste based feudal society before the advent of the British. But many anti-feudal struggles and many anti-Brahmanical struggles especially in South India led to some changes in this status.

Most of the land was concentrated in the hands of landlords belonging to upper castes. 90% of the Dalits were landless agricultural workers or poor peasants. Peasants of agricultural Sudra castes were either tenants or poor and middle farmers. Many from these castes were also landless agricultural workers or poor peasants. Two decades of the façade of land reform legislations had not brought about much change in the land equations by that time. So, though there were many exceptions, class and caste closely corresponded. Nevertheless, the process of a section of peasants of agricultural Sudra castes becoming middle and rich peasants and even landlords had begun, especially in places where anti-feudal and anti-Brahmanical struggles had broken out, for e.g. in South India. The political and economic power was held by the upper caste landlords and the social power by these castes as a whole. Gradual economic strengthening of the intermediary farmers enabled them to be politically assertive especially in those states where anti-Brahmanical struggles have a history. In some areas the economic, political power had started shifting to the middle castes, especially to the rich peasants of these castes.

As far as the urban classes go, comprador big bourgeoisie almost entirely comprised of Banias and Parsis.

The political leadership of all the parties, including of the communist parties belonged primarily to those coming from upper caste background or from middle and rich classes of Muslims. Having been imparted with modern education, inspired by nationalism and later by socialist consciousness they became communist revolutionary leaders. While some of them became true revolutionaries, many could not shed their Brahmanical ideological outlook like PC Joshi and SA Dange. They and the subsequent leadership of the Communist Party of India withdrew the Telangana armed struggle and the concept of revolution was given a slow burial.

Naxalbari Revolt:

The Great Debate and the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution inspired many communist revolts in many countries of the world, including in India. Naxalbari revolt took place by breaking clear of the ‘revisionist leadership and ideology’ of CPI and CPM. Inspired by Naxalbari, revolts took place in many places in the country, prominent among them being Srikakulam, Debra, Gopi-Ballabhpur, Musahari etc. To provide leadership to these struggles and to lead new democratic revolution in India CPI (ML) was formed on 22nd April, 1969. Maoist Communist Centre was also formed as a separate revolutionary party on 22 nd October, the same year.

These parties described the Indian society as a semi-feudal and semi-colonial society and the
contradiction between feudalism and the broad Indian masses as the principal contradiction. They laid down protracted people’s war as the strategy of revolution and described agrarian revolution as the axle of the New Democratic Revolution. Resolving the principal contradiction between feudalism and the broad masses means in the main to implement the policy of ‘land to the tiller’ and smash the political power of the feudal class (and the comprador big bourgeoisie class) and establish the political power of the oppressed classes under the leadership of the proletariat and landless and poor peasantry.

The feudal gentry that wielded the economic and political power in the countryside in those days in most places belonged to the upper castes. On the other hand, 95% of the landless and poor peasantry belonged to the oppressed backward castes and Dalits. Therefore, smashing feudalism in essence means smashing the base of the caste system, on which it has stood for the past nearly three thousand years.

The founder leader of CPI (ML), Charu Mazumdar gave a call to the students to ‘go to the villages’. He gave a direction to the students and the revolutionary party activists to take shelter first and foremost in the huts and houses of the landless and poor peasantry and especially ‘Harijans’ when they went to the villages to organize the rural oppressed masses. ‘Harijans’, being subjected to economic, political and social oppression for many centuries will be the most determined to smash the feudalism and feudal authority and moreover, the political power will be safer in their hands. It is with this understanding that CPI (ML) had given such a call. Inspired by this clarion call, thousands of students and youth created revolutionary upsurges in many areas of the country. When the communist revolutionaries went to the villages to initiate organisational work, they confronted the issues of caste oppression first and they organised people to resolve it. This was the situation almost everywhere. In these upsurges, it was the ‘Harijans’ and other oppressed caste masses who were in the forefront in the anti-feudal struggles under the leadership of the revolutionaries. At the same time, we should not forget the fact that the ranks of the revolutionaries comprised of people from all castes including upper castes, who were ready to lay down their lives for the cause of liberation from feudal and imperialist oppression. Though all this had happened at that time only on class basis, the revolutionaries had a clarity of understanding even in those days that the most oppressed castes mainly comprise the most oppressed classes. Thus, they had the clarity of understanding about relation between the oppression of the feudal classes and the base of the feudal power. When CRs went to the village to initiate organizational work, they confronted the issues of caste oppression first in hundreds of villages and they organized people to resolve it. This was the situation almost everywhere.

Naxalbari upsurge had lasted for only a small period from 1967 to 1972, the year of Charu Majumdar’s martyrdom.

During this period,

• Caste was seen as an integral part of feudalism;
• Interrelationship between the smashing of this system and caste annihilation was recognized;
• Call was given to lead peasant revolts by basing on the oppressed castes and especially dalits who comprise the bulk of the landless and poor peasants;
• A clear direction was given to see that the leadership of the revolutionary peasant committees, which would act as the organs of power, rests in their hands. This call was implemented sincerely.
• The then leadership did not have any plans to chalk out a separate programme to fight caste by discussing the caste question in detail, apart from mobilizing the people of oppressed castes into anti-feudal struggle.
• Smashing feudalism itself was considered adequate to get rid of caste in the society.

We should however recognize that the leadership then did not have much scope for rectifying this shortcoming of chalking out a separate programme for annihilation of the caste in those
days.

At the same time, we should also recognize another shortcoming. The leadership of CPI(ML) was highly critical of Gandhi, but did not see anything wrong in using the word ‘Harijan’ coined by the same Gandhi instead of using the word ’Dalit’ coined by Ambedkar to denote the ‘untouchable’ castes.

In those days, revolutionaries led many social revolts albeit at micro-level. Social ostracism of the dalits was fought. Taboos like Dalits should not wear footwear in front of feudal lords and upper caste people were broken. Dalits used to enter the houses of the upper caste people as the leaders of armed squads etc. All these laid a firm basis for the class unity among the oppressed castes and classes.

Those who mechanically understand that class outlook and class struggle mean only economic struggles argue that those revolutionaries fought only on the basis of class outlook and did not bother about caste. But struggle against all social and cultural oppression is an integral part of class struggle. So, though the revolutionaries then did not have any comprehensive understanding on the caste question, they resisted the social atrocities of the landlords on the oppressed castes with the basic socialist understanding that all humans are equal. This was a strong point of their practice and it is because of this, they could acquire a strong mass base among the dalits and the exploited classes among the other backward castes.

The second phase of the revolutionary movement started by rectifying the left adventurist tactics of the first phase of the Naxalbari revolt. During this period, many revolutionary and democratic mass organisations were formed and students, youth, peasantry, workers, adivasis, employees, intellectuals, and women were mobilized in a big way into many struggles on their specific issues as well as on political issues.

Let us examine this in some detail especially in the case of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.

Thousands of students and youth were mobilized in ‘Go to Villages’ campaigns under the leadership of Radical Students Union and Radical Youth League every year from 1977 (after the lifting of emergency) till 1984. Education classes used to be conducted for the students and youth before they went to the villages about not only New Democratic Politics and land issue and other peasant issues but also about how to rely on the basic classes in the villages during this campaign period and about how to understand the caste question. The success of the campaign was measured in the number of days the campaigners took shelter among the Dalits in their Tolas or Vaadaas (hamlets) and won their confidence. Thousands of youth, both men and women, campaigned against exploitation, social oppression and new democratic revolution by staying and mingling with the basic classes and dalits by eating whatever they could offer and sometimes even going without food. They accomplished all of this amidst cruel repression and police attacks. This won the confidence of the Dalits and other oppressed masses and classes, which laid a strong basis for launching innumerable struggles on various issues and for the revolutionary movement.

Exploited and oppressed classes were mobilized against feudalism in the villages and against capitalist exploitation in towns and cities. There was a conscious and planned effort to concentrate work among the basic classes belonging to Dalits and other oppressed castes. This laid the basis for strong agrarian revolutionary movement. Apart from taking up people’s issues like abolition of bonded labour, hike in the wages of the labourers and bonded labourers, return of the money the landlords seized and agrarian revolutionary issues like the seizure of wastelands and government lands, seizure of the landlord’s lands; social issues like untouchability, caste discrimination, atrocities on the Dalits were also taken up. Thus, unity among the Dalit-backward castes and the poor and the middle class people of the upper castes could be achieved. Revolutionary movement mobilized and consolidated the people belonging to Dalit and other backward castes politically and in the process took up many struggles to destroy the
upper caste chauvinism, social, political, economic and cultural domination of the upper caste feudal forces and could instill self-confidence in the oppressed castes. Depending on the strength of the movement in areas where the Party worked, abusing in the name of caste, addressing the Dalit masses in an insulting and humiliating manner were almost totally or to a large extent stopped.

Consciousness that caste should be annihilated struck roots in the mass organizations to varying degrees, and therefore thousands of activists had inter-caste marriages. Because of the support of the revolutionary movement to these marriages, the so called ‘honour killings’ (upper-caste chauvinistic murders) were never heard of. This effort was carried on both in the rural as well as urban areas. The literature and various art forms and songs have captured these changes and transformation in various ways.

Conscious efforts were made to bring the poor and the middle classes of the Dalit-backward castes to take up leadership in not only the agricultural labourer organisations/Krantikari Kisan Committees but also in the youth, women and cultural organisations and to achieve recognition for them among the people. In the urban mass organisations also similar leadership could be developed. The upper castes too inevitably had to accept the political role this leadership had in the village affairs. Thus, gradually the unity among the poor and the middle classes developed and the democratic struggle for the annihilation of caste built up.

Many struggles were taken up against the class exploitation, oppression and domination of the landlord and other oppressive forces and against social untouchability, atrocities, suppression and physical attacks in the rural areas of many states in the country. When the feudal upper caste chauvinist forces massacred Dalits in Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, revolutionary party and mass organisations stood very firmly on behalf of the victims and took up large-scale propaganda and protest activities exposing these cruelties. The guerilla forces of the party wiped out such reactionary forces in places like Senari, DalelChak-Bhagoura and Karamchedu. In Bihar, starting from the end of the 1970s until 2010s feudal upper caste forces formed their own private armies like Brahmarshi Sena, Bhoomi Sena, Savarna Liberation Front, Sunlight Sena, Ranaveer Sena and other such armies with the support of the political parties and the state-administration. These private armiesresorted to medieval-type massacres and innumerous atrocities on the people of Dalit and other oppressed castes and classes with the objective of eliminating the revolutionary movement. Many Dalit leaders and parties on the one hand criticize that 90% of the judiciary is filled up by those belonging to the upper castes, thus blaming the judiciary for the poor conviction rate in such caste massacres. But at the same time, the Dalit movements have illusions regarding parliamentary democracy and limit themselves only to legal struggles without mobilizing the dalits into militant struggles, even though in almost all the cases of massacres, the perpetrators are left scot free by the judiciary at one or the other level. On the other hand, apart from mobilizing the affected sections in various legal struggles, revolutionary movement went beyond that and mobilized them into people’s armed squads and physically defeated and smashed these private armies.

Without giving due recognition to all those above described struggles and the inherent caste annihilation nature of these struggles, some go on constantly criticizing the revolutionary movement that it is limited only to economic struggles, and does not bother about the caste question. One can see the fallacy of the argument if one sincerely considers the above described practice.

This period also saw the caste question addressed theoretically in a more comprehensive manner.

This question was debated in the ‘Agrarian Revolution’ document (1979) of the then People’s War party.

‘Why shouldn’t one consider the contradiction between the dalits and the upper castes as the principal contradiction and carry out the agrarian revolution based on that formulation?’ This question was posed and answered in the document. Though 90% of the power is concentrated in the hands of the upper castes, not all those belonging to the upper castes wield power. Moreover, more than half of the upper caste people do not belong to either landlords or the big bourgeoisie. So if the contradiction between the upper castes and the dalits is considered as the principal contradiction, then what about these masses? On the other hand, though 95% of the Dalits and 75% of the backward caste people do not possess any means of production and can be mobilized into the revolution, there is a section, albeit small, which has clawed its way up to the oppressing classes. In many states, some landlords and rich peasantry and the capitalists belonging to the OBCs have formed state governments and are wielding considerable clout even in the centre, which means that there are sections belonging to the exploiting classes even among the castes that are exploited. Therefore, it would be wrong to propose the contradiction in the above manner. In this manner, the document discussed the relation between class and caste. Radical Student Movement was very clear from the beginning about the stand to be adopted towards reservations. When anti-reservation movement broke out in Gujarat in 1981, RSU firmly supported the reservations, even while exposing its limitations. It did not reject the reservations saying that they are only some reforms.

People’s War party had sent a solidarity message to the second RYL conference in 1979. In its call to the youth, party explained as to how the youth should understand the caste question:

“Comrades! Our country comprises of many nationalities, religions and also castes……All the castes of Andhra Pradesh can be divided into two categories. The castes that possess land and wield power over the rural masses belong to one category. Most of the landlords belong to this category of castes. The second category of castes does not possess any land or possesses only meagre land and are mainly dependent on agricultural work for their livelihood. Dalits and most backward caste belong to this category. Therefore, the castes can be broadly divided into those of landlords and peasants and those of agricultural workers. Population-wise those belonging to the agricultural worker castes are far more numerous in number. Therefore, without mobilizing the youth belonging to these castes, apart from the youth of the peasant castes, and imparting them with revolutionary consciousness, new democratic revolution can never be successful. Without this, united front of all the rural exploited classes against feudalism can never be built.

The issue of Harijans among the agricultural workers is not only the main issue but also a special issue. They are facing not only economic exploitation, but are facing social and cultural oppression in many forms. Not a day passes without one or another atrocity on the Harijans….

Youth Organizations have to mobilize the youth of all castes to resist the atrocities perpetuated by the landlord sections on the Harijans. The youth belonging to the upper castes can fulfill this task only when they de-castify themselves and get rid of their upper caste arrogance. By mobilizing the youth belonging to all the castes in the youth organization, the conspiracy of the landlords to divide the oppressed class people to perpetuate their hegemony over the villages can be defeated. Thus, the youth organization should act as a lever to the united front of the rural oppressed masses against feudalism. Only then you can play the requisite role in mobilizing the youth for new democratic revolution in our country that comprises of vast number of castes.”

Discussion and debate started in Andhra Pradesh in late 80s about the theory and practice of the revolutionary parties vis-à-vis the caste question. This debate further grew in 90s and continues to this day. Dalit movement that started in the mid-80s raised some new questions. Rise of the middle class and intellectuals among the Dalits to a considerable extent by 80s acted as a catalyst for this. Almost at the same time, the rise of post-modernist theory in the western world denouncing the communist ideology also gave an impetus to this.

The main criticisms which this debate raised are:

• that communists including the Naxalites have neglected the caste question;
• that they have clubbed together class and caste and are postponing the struggle against the caste system by saying that the caste can be eliminated only if the system changes;
• that while the dalits and bahujans are getting killed in the revolutionary movement, the
  leadership is concentrated in the hands of those hailing from the upper castes.

The then People’s War and the Party Unity parties released documents about their perspective on caste question. They also took up programmes to conduct study classes for the rank and file to better their understanding on the question. They also decided to build special organizational structures and organizations and started implementing.

Maoist Party, which was formed in 2004 by the merger of People’s War and the Maoist Communist Centre of India, also released its perspective document on the caste question a few years back. It incorporated its understanding about the caste question and the caste annihilation programme as an inherent part of the party’s basic documents – the strategy and tactics and the party programme. How to fight the caste even in the post-revolutionary society was also made an integral part of these basic documents.

Some Important aspects of these documents:

• The feudalism that has dominated Indian society for thousands of yearsis rigid caste-based feudalism that was built on a Brahmanical ideology.
• This pernicious caste system was of enormous value to extract large surplus from the oppressed particularly the so-called outcastes, who were pushed to a slave-like condition. (Party Program, Page 1)
• The Caste system is not only a super-structural phenomenon but also a part of the economic base.
• Caste oppression and Brahmanism are inextricably interwoven with the existing semi-feudal, semi-colonial system, here. For this reason the destruction of the caste system, including the eradication of untouchability, together with a struggle against all manifestations of Brahmanism, is a necessary part of the NDR in the country.
• Though the Dalit question is in essence a class question, the Party should lead the struggle against caste oppression of Dalits and other backward castes as a part of New Democratic Revolution (NDR) and fight for their equal place in all spheres of social life by fighting all forms of caste discrimination and oppression, towards abolishing the caste system. (Party Program, Page 9)
• The Party must fight for equal rights, reservations and other special privileges for dalits and other backward castes. These should be considered as an integral part of the struggle for democracy.
• The petty bourgeois Dalit sections in certain states have formed some exclusive organizations of Dalits and are organising movements on some issues related to their problems. The Party should work jointly with these organizations on these issues while at the same time conducting ideological and political debate with them on their orientation towards reformist solutions to eradicate caste, like conversion and reservations etc.
• Caste-based Feudalism and Comprador Bureaucratic Capitalism and Imperialism that are working as the bulwark for the caste system should be smashed by successfully completing New Democratic Revolution and objective conditions for the caste annihilation should be created.
• Eliminate Brahmanical, casteist, feudal, imperialist culture and establish genuine democratic and socialist culture that does not give way to untouchability and caste oppression and discrimination.

There is an important resolution passed in the First Unity Congress of the Maoist Party regarding some organisational steps to be taken to promote leadership from among the Dalits, Adivasis and other oppressed castes and minorities.

The Congress recognized the need to put in special efforts to increase the role, of the comrades hailing from proletarian background, from socially oppressed and backward sections, especially those coming from basic classes, at all levels of the party.

1. Party should put in special effort to increase recruitment from workers and other exploited sections (Dalits, Women and Adivasis) into the ranks of the party.
2. Party should strive to increase the role of those coming from working class background and other exploited sections, especially hailing from basic classes in all leadership positions of the party and all forums of the party like party conferences, congress etc.
3. It is the policy of the party that when comrades have equal abilities in all aspects, then those from working class background should be given preference in promotion related aspects. It shall follow the same policy with regard to comrades hailing from Dalit, Adivasi background and women. This should be especially followed with regard to those coming from basic classes.
4. Party shall take up special measures in education and training to overcome the shortcomings that may be present in Dalit, Adivasi and women comrades owing to the discrimination and oppression they face in the society. With special measures, comrades hailing from these sections can develop capabilities to perform leadership role in the party. Central Committee and the state committees should plan for such special education and training programmes to develop these comrades to speedily enter into leadership positions.

In the light of the above theoretical formulations, we can say that the criticism that “…… this theoretical position(of the Maoists)…….. forecloses the possibility of conceptualising caste as the historical particularity of Indian society and adequately addressing it in practice”[K. Srinivasulu. Economic & Political Weekly, May 27, 2017 vol LLI no 21; pp 47-52] is not correct.

One criticism, which is frequently raised, is that while the Dalits, Adivasis, and Bahujans are shedding their blood in the revolutionary movement, the upper caste people are occupying the leading positions of the party.

Emancipation demands more sacrifices from those classes or sections that fight for it. Therefore, it is but natural that when Dalits, Adivasis and Bahujans hailing from the exploited sections are fighting for their emancipation, their sacrifice of lives will be more. But to answer the above question with any semblance of honesty, one has to pose the question if the state has let off revolutionaries just because they belonged to upper castes. The state did not let off any body right from Charu Majumdar to Kishenji or Azad.

Even from among those, belonging to the mass organisations, the state, through vigilante gangs, cruelly murdered Mannem Prasad hailing from Dalit background. It did not spare Dr. Ramanatham, Purushottam or Ganti Prasadam just because they hailed from Brahmin caste. Even while arresting democratic rights activists, it did not differentiate between Sudheer Dhavale and Surendra Gadling, Sagar and others hailing from Dalit background and Varavara Rao, Sudha Bharadvaj and Shoma Sen hailing from Brahmin background. Neither did it spare Vernon Gonsalves, Arun Fereira Rona Wilson and Stan Swamy who are from Christian background. The state and the ruling classes have clarity with regard to their enemies. It is a tragedy that some of the scholars do not have such clarity.

However, let us also see the changes occurring in the caste composition of the leadership of the revolutionary party.

Revolutionary Movement and the Leadership from the Oppressed Castes:

Most of those who were elected to the central committee in the first congress of CPI (ML) belonged class wise to petti bourgeoisie and caste wise to upper castes. The same type of composition prevailed in various state committees and lower committees as well.  Revolutionary movement was built with the conscious effort to build leadership from the basic classes. Hence, over a period of time, during the course of class struggle, those who hail from oppressed castes gradually came into leading positions in both the mass organisations and the party committees. Sons and daughters of the soil and as Gramsci has put it, organic intellectuals (hailing from all caste backgrounds, but especially from the oppressed castes) gradually assumed leadership roles and the process is continuing.

Let us see the facts, a bit more concretely.

In the People’s War party, it was K.G. Satyamurthy (SM), who was the top leader after Kondapally Seethaaramaiah (KS). He was admired not only as a top ranking party leader but also as an excellent poet, providing a great inspiration for revolutionary writers, artists and students. He hailed from Dalit Christian background. He became general secretary of the party after the arrest of KS and functioned in that capacity for a few years. Before he left the party because of some ideological and organisational issues, he was a leader admired by the whole rank and file of the party and mass organisations. The case of SM is well known in the revolutionary camp throughout India. But there is another lesser known top leader who hailed from Dalit background.

After the initial setback of the Naxalbari movement throughout the country including Andhra Pradesh, the AP state committee reorganized revolutionary movement in Telangana. The North Telangana Regional Conference held in 1974 has a key historic role in this rebuilding of the movement. A three member regional committee was elected in that conference. In the pre-emergency period, it was the most crucial leading committee next only to the state committee. Ganapati, who later became the general secretary and led the party for 25 years, was only a member of this committee, whilethe secretary of that committee was Dr. Kolluri Chiranjeevi (who passed away on 8^thMarch 2021). He hailed from Dalit background. He was however arrested within a short period after he was elected as the general secretary and did not continue in the revolutionary movement after his release. So, right in the initial years of the People’s War party (although the name People’s War was adopted only in 1980) two of its most important top leaders were Dalits.

Later, hundreds of leaders who emerged as the leaders of the revolutionary movement during the course of its growth, were from the oppressed castes and classes. They emerged as very dear leaders of the oppressed masses. They are innumerable in number. Dev Kumar Singh, a polit bureau member; Seelam Naresh, Rajamauli and Chandramauli, Ramanna central committee members; Puli Anjanna and Madhav, secretaries of AP state committee and dozens of state committee level leaders like Venkataswamy, Ailanna, Reddappa, Mahendar were from the oppressed Backward castes. Gajjela Gangaram, Jannu Chinnaalu, Peddi Shankar, Rameshwar, Haribhushan, Kairi Gangaram, Diwakar, Ramesh from Dalit backgrounds were very dear mass leaders and were district, regional and state level party leaders.There are also many women leaders, like Nyalakonda Rajita, Laxmi (Mahita), Ganjhu Urmila, Ajita, Tirupati Padma, Ellanki Aruna, from oppressed caste backgrounds. Some of them became state level party leaders and some were on the verge of becoming elected as the state level committee members. If they had not lost their lives in fake or real encounters, many among them would have risen to higher levels of leadership. (Here, we have given the names of only a very few. We have also not given the names of those who are alive though many of them are in higher leadership committees including polit-bureau and central committee).

It is the revolutionary movement, which has produced these excellent leaders. In Bihar, except those who initially went there from Bengal to begin revolutionary movement, 90% of those who emerged as leaders belong to backward castes, Dalits and Adivasis. Overwhelming majority of even those who became polit-bureau members and central committee members hail from OBCs, Dalits and Adivasis.

Even though persons from all caste backgrounds have led the mass organisations in AP and Telangana, majority of them were from oppressed caste backgrounds. For example- among the 15 students who were elected as presidents and secretaries in the ten conferences of RSU held between 1975 and 1993, while 7 hailed from upper caste background, 8 were from OBC and Dalit backgrounds. In the second and third conferences itself, a comrade from Dalit background was elected its secretary. In case of Radical Youth League, in the first three conferences a comrade from Dalit background was elected as its president. A comrade hailing from Dalit background was elected as the president of Agricultural workers and Peasants Association in all the three conferences held. All the secretaries elected hailed from OBC background.

Conscious efforts were made to bring the poor and the middle classes of the Dalit and backward castes to take up leadership in the youth, women and cultural organisations and to achieve recognition for them among the people. Similarly, Dalit and backward caste leadership in the urban mass organisations alsodeveloped. With the result, we can see that the caste composition of the leadership of even progressive and revolutionary intellectuals’ associations has gradually undergone changes. More and more from OBC and Dalit backgrounds are now leading these organisations. In some organisations, the whole main leadership hails from these backgrounds. Majority of the leadership of women’s organisations formed with the inspiration of revolutionary movement comprise of those hailing from backward castes and Dalits.

If we look at the caste composition of the leadership today, the secretaries of Telangana, Dandakaranya, Andhra-Odisha Border committee, Jharkhand Special Area Committee, Bihar Special Area Committee, Maharashtra committee are from Dalit, Adivasi and Backward caste background. These committees are the most important committees in the revolutionary movement.

Kuppu Swamy (Yogesh), who was killed along with Ajitain a fake encounter in 2016 in Kerala, was central committee member and the secretary of the bureau that was leading the revolutionary movement in the three southern states. He hailed from a Dalit Christian family. Another person from Dalit background was a polit-bureau member at the time of the formation of the Maoist party in 2004. He was subsequently arrested.

90% of those elected to the central committee of the first congress of CPI(ML) in 1970 comprised of those coming from upper castes. However, by the time of formation of the Maoist party in 2004, while 49% had upper caste background, 51% belonged to the backward caste, Dalit, Adivasi and religious minority backgrounds. By 2016, after many arrests and fake encounter killings of the central committee members in more than twelve years, and the election of new members in to the committee, the percentage of the former has come down to 31% while the percentage of the latter rose to 69%. It is not an exaggeration to say that no other party has such large number of persons from oppressed castes in the central leadership, except in some regional family based or caste based parties.

According to the press statement released by the Maoist party which appeared in several newspapers last year, there was a leadership change in the Maoist party. As per the statement, NamballaKesava Rao took up responsibility as the general secretary of the party while TippiriTirupati became the chief of central military commission. While the former hails from an officially OBC background, the latter is from a Dalit background.

How could this transformation take place under the leadership of those 90% of whom had upper caste background? It is because they were true communists. They dreamt of a class-less and caste-less society and de-classified and de-castified themselves in the course of revolutionary movement and dedicated their lives to the pursuance of that dream.

The allegation that there is caste discrimination while electing leadership is thus baseless, fallacious and unfounded. When can one allege that there is such discrimination? If a person is denied election in spite of having more or less similar duration of revolutionary life, political and ideological knowledge and the ability to lead the movement compared to a person elected, then one can say that there is discrimination. But there is actually not a single instance of such discrimination.

There are no reservations to rise to the leadership positions in the revolutionary movement. But due to constant efforts to develop leadership from not only basic classes but from the oppressed castes by taking up special training programmes, by adopting positive discrimination during promotions to the leading positions, this change has been possible.

One great achievement of the revolutionary movement is that the oppressed people of the Dalit, backward castes and adivasis trained in class struggle and their leadership increased not only in the village-level Mass Organisations, Revolutionary People’s Committees, Party, People’s Liberation Guerilla Army but also at the state and the central level party committees.

Another great achievement is the political mobilization and consolidation of the poor people of the Dalit and other backwards castes and also the poor and the middle classes of the upper castes through armed agrarian revolutionary movement in the vast rural areas of the Indian society, that fought feudalism and upper caste chauvinism for a long time, shook its foundation and the Brahmanical upper caste values based on it and brought forth a new perspective and a new path of struggle for the permanent solution of this problem.

The achievements in both the theory and practice are not final. There may yet be a lot to make amends for, theoretically and in practice. Revolutionary movement is learning through its own experiences and from all other movements, rectifying its mistakes and sharpening both its ideology as well as the practice. The main aim of this article is to establish that this is an ongoing process and the revolutionaries are not averse to making amends. This process can be further enhanced if all those who would like to have a united fight for caste annihilation positively contribute to it.

(Sources for this article: My conversations with many Maoist leaders and cadre during my seven and half years of incarceration; Many FIRs and Charge sheets of the cases right from the Parvatheepuram conspiracy case to Bheema-Koregaon case; Names of the leaders mentioned in these case files and the press statements by the police announcing bounties on the heads of Maoist leaders as per their ranks; Internet; Documents that were available in the site Bannedthought.net before it was blocked by the Indian government.)